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Екатерина Шульман

Адрес канала: @eschulmann
Категории: Политика
Язык: Русский
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Российский политолог, специалист по проблемам законотворчества. Официальный канал. Для связи: @Obratnaya_Svyaz_EM_bot

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Последние сообщения 230

2021-02-20 21:10:14
Дорогой бывший соведущий Майкл Наки @Nackepelo сегодня женится (хорошая новость). Поглядев на комменты, понимаешь, как прав был новобрачный, в своё время назвав меня человеком с низким эмоциональным интеллектом.
Все люди:
Эксперт с низким эмоциональным интеллектом:
29.4K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, 18:10
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2021-02-20 20:01:44 Ресурс ИноСМИ, как известно, переводит статьи зарубежной прессы довольно аккуратно, но сопровождает их кратким предостережением курсивом, а иногда также и встроенными замечаниями тем же курсивом, чтоб в кириллического читателя из текста случайно не заползла какая-нибудь ересь. К материалу из New York Times спасительный курсив также приложен, но внутри всё вроде по-честному.

«Если возникнет массовый спрос на вакцинацию на фоне нехватки вакцины из-за ее отправки на экспорт, это может стать политической проблемой, — сказала научный сотрудник лондонского исследовательского института Чатем-Хаус Екатерина Шульман. — Сейчас каждый желающий привиться может это сделать. Так что нынешняя ситуация скорее вызывает гордость за то, что Россия в числе первых разработала вакцину и помогает другим».
28.9K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, edited  17:01
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2021-02-20 19:56:15 Me being extra-patriotic on the subject of anti-COVID vaccination in The New York Times, despite all efforts to lead me in the contrary direction. I think some medal or other is certainly due to me for these selfless efforts.

“If mass demand for vaccination emerges, clashing with the shortage of medication due to export, then it could become a political problem,” Ekaterina Schulmann, an associate fellow at Chatham house, a London-based research institute, said of the vaccine’s use in foreign policy. “Now, everyone who wants to get a vaccine can have it, so it’s rather a source of pride that Russia was among the first to have a vaccine and that we help others as well.”
27.9K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, 16:56
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2021-02-18 18:32:44
Me in the opinion of my friends.

Also me: other people are having academic publications!
31.9K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, edited  15:32
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2021-02-18 15:33:09 Ben Noble, a friend and co-author, decided to tell the world a tale of a Dutch architectural studio, a book with pictures, two YouTube videos and a plan to remake the State Duma plenary hall on a more democratic basis. It involves him, the State Duma speaker, a benevolent oligarch who is to remain nameless, and myself. It is a funny story with a sad ending , very much like a story by Chekhov: nobody died but nothing much happened, everyone grew imperceptibly older, the schoolroom-like hall still stands, parliamentary democracy remains distant as the red roofs of Amsterdam.

"The links in the chain between the publication of Parliament and the Russian State Duma’s redesign choices also speak to what we might call the ‘intimacy’ of authoritarian power in modern-day Russia – that is, of a system in which a Facebook post by a peripheral, foreign actor, amplified by two YouTube videos (filmed by an influential intellectual from the domestic comfort of her kitchen), could end up influencing the choices of senior politicians in Russia.

The fate of the redesign (or rebuild) project remains uncertain. In December 2020, Vladimir Putin voiced support for a new State Duma building. But, in January 2021, Vyacheslav Volodin sounded downbeat. Might this be related to his potential ouster as speaker following elections in September 2021? Only time will tell".
32.1K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, 12:33
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2021-02-18 13:20:41 The need to additionally legitimize this de facto new version of the constitution brought on the idea of a national vote, which is not a referendum but an ad hoc plebiscitary procedure that, nonetheless, requires strong voter turnout to compensate for the laxity of its rules. The general voter, while approving of the social guarantees promised in the amendments, was not interested enough in the “checks and balances” part of the package to whip up some sort of civic enthusiasm and mass voter participation. Hence the second wave amendments catered to the taste of the conservative part of the electorate and gave the whole heterogeneous mass of amendments some semblance of ideological unity.

This unity, however, presented the next problem: the amendments as a whole, with their administrative, social, and ideological components, began to be perceived not just by members of the “commentariat” but by the ruling elites themselves as a kind of “political testament”[1] from a president who truly intends to leave by 2024. To prevent, as President Vladimir Putin himself called, the “eyes-shifting” search by elites of the next Russian ruler, extraordinary changes were implemented to the constitution, giving the president the option (but not the obligation) of running for office again".

https://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/russian-parliament-and-pandemic-state-emergency-post-constitutional-changes-retaliatory-laws
27.7K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, edited  10:20
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2021-02-18 13:20:41 "It has been a long-standing parliamentary device to introduce key changes during the second readings of an amendment, when initiators do not want to draw too much public attention to their bill. That makes it possible to shorten the process by skipping the first reading phase that, according to parliamentary rules, needs to take thirty days and sometimes lasts longer. The accumulation and discussion of amendments take place within the parliamentary committee responsible for the bill, and these proceedings are much less public and accessible to an outside observer than the plenary sessions. This helps to divert some part of the public attention.

In 2020 we saw this practice on a much larger political scale. The first wave of constitutional amendments introduced by the president into the parliament on January 20, 2020, concerned the composition of state bodies and the checks and balances system between the president, government, Federal Assembly, and higher courts. The “first wave” of amendments also contained some of the social guarantees, like regular indexation of state pensions and salaries, which were and remained, according to polling data, the most recognizable and popular among the proposed constitutional changes.

At the end of February, parliament took on the second wave of amendments, introduced during the second reading of a constitutional bill, because, juridically, all of the numerous amendments, which increased the bulk of the Russian Constitution by 40 percent, were one amendment—one single bill. The second wave of amendments contained provisions that have since been nicknamed “biopolitical.” These concern the preservation of traditional families, the defense of children as one of the main priorities of state policy, mention of belief in God as having been inherited from ancestors, and a mention of the Russian people as a state-building (state-forming) nation. These amendments had an evident conservative slant and were, in all probability, aimed at giving more of a “human interest” to the approaching constitutional voting by reinventing it as some sort of a referendum in defense of traditional values, thus strengthening voter turnout.

On March 10 came the third, last and final amendment phase—called “the grandmother’s clause” or “Tereshkova amendment”—that entailed the zeroing-out or resetting of presidential terms, which in hindsight looks like the main reason for the whole constitutional reform. However, we do not have grounds for affirming that this idea originated from the start of this legislative campaign: the development of the amending process as delineated above rather lends itself to the logic of tactical political necessity rather than showing signs of a well-laid plan. The “checks and balances” part of the amendments were designed to legitimize the political practices and re-distribution of power of the last fifteen years while additionally guaranteeing the future successor’s position against a potentially oppositional parliament and a hostile higher court by curtailing their powers and severing the dependence between the parliament’s approval (or the risk of early parliamentary elections) and the appointment of the head of the government.
26.4K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, edited  10:20
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2021-02-18 13:19:56
Following my late August 2020 participation in the PONARS Eurasia panel on the Eurasian states' response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this respected political science and research association published my memo describing Russian State Duma law-making in times of plague - constitution, elections, waste incineration plants and more. Coloured statistical graphs inside! My favourite part is "How to Change the Constitution Without Attracting Undue Attention" (of the medical orderlies, evidently). Anti-ecological bills and other hidden activities of the construction lobby were fun to trace and describe, too.
27.5K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, 10:19
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2021-02-17 21:08:54
Поучаствовала в учебном курсе «Добро и зло в мире животных» Евгении Тимоновой с лекцией о политическом поведении и его природной предопределенности (или нет). В зум-аудитории оказалось изрядное количество деток, так что постаралась читать Аристотеля помедленней. Запись будет (обещают)! Самая увлекательная часть, как всегда - ответы на вопросы.

https://vkuz.pro/product/ethics/?v=f9308c5d0596
29.8K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, 18:08
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2021-02-17 15:48:22
Следующий выпуск журнала Дилетант выйдет с такой вот завлекательной тематической обложкой.
30.0K viewsEkaterina Schulmann, edited  12:48
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